{"id":1935,"date":"2018-11-19T05:33:05","date_gmt":"2018-11-19T05:33:05","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/filter.watch\/en\/?p=1935"},"modified":"2020-06-02T15:29:42","modified_gmt":"2020-06-02T15:29:42","slug":"holding-the-keys-reformists-parliament-and-digital-rights-in-iran","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/filter.watch\/english\/2018\/11\/19\/holding-the-keys-reformists-parliament-and-digital-rights-in-iran\/","title":{"rendered":"Holding the Keys \u2014 Reformists, Parliament, and Digital Rights in Iran"},"content":{"rendered":"
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In the\u00a0last edition of Filterwatch<\/a>, we argued that Iran has adjusted its policy-making processes over the last five years, shifting toward a process of \u2018state-directed multistakeholderism\u2019 which has allowed different segments of the state (including the three main branches of government and the institutions overseen directly by the Supreme Leader) to formulate long-term, consensus-based internet policy.<\/p>\n

The first practical example of this emerged in the consensus around the development and implementation of the \u2018National Internet\u2019 (SHOMA) and Iran\u2019s new filtering regime. Although at times this consensus has been broken \u2014 such as when the judiciary unilaterally decided to filter Telegram \u2014 in the absence of any meaningful engagement with civil society or private sector stakeholders, this \u2018state-directed multistakeholder\u2019 model appears to be here to stay.<\/p>\n

Despite supposedly having a role to play in this system, the Iranian Parliament has so far failed to exert any meaningful influence over internet policy-making processes. The current Parliament \u2014 which is controlled by an informal alliance of reformists, pro-Rouhani centrists, and Speaker Larijani\u2019s moderate conservatives \u2014 has so far neglected to engage with questions about the future of the Internet in Iran. But with a number of crucial new items of legislation set to hit the floor in the coming months, Parliament will soon find itself dragged to the fore of these debates.<\/p>\n

In this issue of Filterwatch, we\u2019ll explain why upcoming legislative battles will offer reformists in Parliament an unprecedented opportunity to articulate and deliver a fresh and progressive vision for national ICT policy. At the same time, we\u2019ll show how it\u2019s Parliament\u2019s conservative Principlist minority that looks to be the most mobilised, forming a new lobbying group and already pushing forward tough legislation threatening citizens\u2019 digital rights. Reformists will need to step up their game and organise if they are serious about backing up their election promises to fight censorship.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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Shifting Gears \u2014 Parliament and Iran\u2019s ICT Agenda<\/h1>\n

Apart from the patchwork of guidelines published by regulatory bodies such as the Supreme Council of Cyberspace (SCC) and Communications Regulatory Authority (CRA), Iran has only passed one major piece of legislation governing the internet and users\u2019 digital rights. The highly restrictive 2009 Cyber Crimes Law was passed in the aftermath of the disputed 2009 presidential elections, and was frequently deployed to support the state\u2019s systematic crackdown on online expression.<\/p>\n

This legislative vacuum has contributed to a lack of overall clarity about national ICT policy, and so it should perhaps come as little surprise that the proactive new ICT Minister Mohammad-Javad Azari Jahromi is moving to introduce a raft of far-ranging ICT legislation to formalise internet regulation and users\u2019 rights.<\/p>\n

Jahromi\u00a0announced his intention<\/a>\u00a0to bring forward five major ICT bills in late 2017, framing them within the context of securing users\u2019 rights and giving citizens greater legal protections. These bills were meant to tackle the following five issues:<\/p>\n